By Charles Garrad
Contemporary French writings locating the Petun are examined.
Un examen des écritures historiques françaises au sujet des emplacements des Indiens Petun.
In the following both ‘Petun’ and ‘Petuns’ are used for the name of the people also called Petum, Petuneuses, Petuneux, Tobacco Nation, Natio del Tabaco, Tionnontate, Khionontateronons (and related similar versions), 8endat, Wendat, Wyandotte, Wyandot, etc. A French league in the texts is taken as three English statute miles, and an Italian mile as 1.15 English statute miles. Huron and Petun village names are capitalized except in quotations. The name EKARENNIONDI capitalized refers to the village, italicized to the sacred rock and headland. Sources are identified frequently to facilitate consultation.
In this paper contemporary published descriptions of the location and territory of the Petun Indians relative to the Hurons are examined, together with indications of distances and directions that are stated or implied in the texts and on contemporary maps. The probable location of the territory of the Petun is determined and a theoretical map constructed (Map 2).
BRESSANI’S 1657 AND OTHER MAPS SHOWING THE PETUN
Five primary source maps based on contemporary information are known, and have been reviewed elsewhere (Garrad 1997a). These uniformly show the location of the pre-Dispersal Petun as being a short distance west of the Nottawasaga River, extending south from the Georgian Bay shore. The maps are not cartographically accurate enough to indicate more than the general area, and the distance scales on the maps, with one possible exception, provide no help.
The possible exception is the map “Huronum Explicata Tabula”, published in 1657, and believed to be by Francisco-Giuseppe Bressani (Heidenreich 1966:106-109), on which in the Petun country are shown five villages, two of which are named, the southernmost being “Ethahrita” (ETHARITA) with “eKarinniondi” (EKARENNIONDI) further north. The name ETHARITA is superimposed on its symbol, leaving no doubt to which of the five symbols the name applies. The name EKARENNIONDI might apply to either of two nearest symbols.
The scales given on the map indicate that ETHARITA and EKARENNIONDI (either possible symbol) were both about twelve Italian miles west of the Nottawasaga River, or somewhat less than fourteen English statute miles (for calculations see Jones 1909:102, Heidenreich 1966:115).
The data on this map has no specific date but covers a range of time, possibly 1639-1649 (Heidenreich1966:114). Bressani himself was in Huronia 1645-1649 (Jones 1909:467). The map is reproduced with this text as Map 1. The other mentioned primary maps are not reproduced as they convey less information. For these, consult Heidenreich (1966) or Garrad (1997a).
THE NOTTAWASAGA RIVER
To reach the Petun west of the Nottawasaga River from the Hurons to the east by land necessarily required a crossing of the River which lay between them. Where the River was crossed, and the length of any detour involved, might need to be considered in reconstructing stated distances. It has been concluded elsewhere that when the winter ice was sufficiently strong, travellers crossed the river on the ice downstream from Schoonertown, but at other times forded the river at an evident crossing place in Concession 14, Lot 7, Township of Sunnidale-Clearview (Garrad 1997b).
EASE OF TRAVEL ON TRAILS
Early in 1616, Champlain said that “travelling is very troublesome in winter” (Champlain 1929 111:95). Father Noel Chabanel’s road, on December 7, in newly fallen snow, was “most difficult” or “exceedingly bad” (JR35:147; JR40:35). The next day the trails were described as “roads difficult of passage; and at a most fatiguing season, as the snow had already covered the ground” (JR35:117).
By contrast, in October 1626, Joseph de la Roche Daillon, who travelled to the Neutrals via the Petun en route, dismissed the journey simply as “Passing through the Tobacco Nation…” (“Passans par la Nation du Petun…” Sagard 1636:800). When one of the party fell ill among the Petuns, his Huron host went to fetch him and carried him back to Huronia, inferentially crossing the river twice, the second time with the dying Frenchman on his back (Sagard 1939:194).
Travel in October was clearly easier than in winter.
DESCRIPTIONS OF THE PETUN TERRITORY
The following statements are arranged in chronological order. As will be seen, the earliest references are to hill-slopes, the later ones to “mountains” near the “freshwater sea” to the north. An interpretation could be advanced that, while remaining in the same general area, the Petun gradually moved south to north, from the earlier hill-slopes further south, to the later (Blue) mountains by the lake.
1616 Samuel de Champlain: “These Petun people plant maize… The country is full of hill-slopes and little level stretches which make it a pleasant country. They were beginning to build two villages where we passed, in the midst of the woods… “ (Champlain 1929111:95-6, 1932 1V:278-9)
The description “hill-slopes and little level stretches”, accompanied by “plant maize” (therefore part cleared) and “villages… in the midst of the woods” (therefore still mainly wooded) is the best one left to us of the Petun country. The reference to corn is the only eye-witness account of a Petun crop. There is no mention of tobacco, nor to “mountains”.
1632 Samuel de Champlain ?: The following is found in the Identification Table attached to the map which accompanied the 1632 edition: “The Tobacco People is a tribe which cultivates this herb, in which they have a great trade with other tribes. They have large villages enclosed by tree trunks (“fermez de bois”), and sow Indian corn” (Champlain 1936 VI:248, Garrad 1997a:2).
Champlain made no mention of seeing tobacco during his 1616 visit in either edition of his published texts. That in 1632 he said for the first time, and only in connection with a map, that the Petun grew extensive crops of tobacco for trade, is rejected, as added by someone probably “about the printing office” (1932 IV:viii; Garrad 1997a:2) entirely unaware of the consequence of what was added.
Similarly, it seems probable that the term “fermez de bois” resulted from a too-hasty reading by someone else of Champlain’s statement that Huron Bear villages “sont clos & fermez de pallissades de bois” (Champlain 1929 III:122; 1932 IV:302). The translation “enclosed by tree trunks” is one of several possible renderings and probably not the best to convey the sense that the villages were enclosed with palisades of wood. That the Petun grew tobacco, had large enclosed palisaded villages, and sowed Indian corn, is to be expected, as it entirely conforms with the practices of all Iroquoian tribes.
1636 Jean de Brebeuf: “toward the Tobacco Nation,.. that the road they took was broad and well-beaten; that they passed near a rock called ECAREGNIOND (Ekarenniondi) JR10:145).
This statement is in the context of the myth of the journey of souls to the land of the dead. However, the rock Ekarenniondi was and is real enough, and it might be that the mythical “broad and well- beaten” road that the souls followed was at the same time the actual main trail west from the Nottawasaga River. The same name (EKARENNIONDI, spellings differ) was applied to a village, presumably near the rock, and perhaps also to the whole or north part of the Petun territory (Bressani? map 1657; Garnier 1648; Garrad 1997a:3 & plate 3; Jones 1909:231-233).
1649 Paul Ragueneau: “the mountains where dwell those whom we call the Tobacco Nation” (JR34:203); “From (Christian Island) we shall be able to send, by canoe, to the Tobacco Nation ..” (JR34:205).
These references together indicate that the “mountains” of the Petun were near the lake (NottawasagaBay), and the Petun could be reached by canoe from Christian Island.
1650 Paul Ragueneau: “those living on the Mountain heights, whom we call the Tobacco Nation”(JR35:79,81);”In the Mountains, the people of which we name the Tobacco Nation..” (JR35:107); “In the Tobacco Nation… one Mission throughout those Mountains” (JR35:163).
Ragueneau is not known to have visited the Petun. He could see the (Blue) “Mountains” from Huronia, but did know precisely where the Petun villages actually lay in relation to them.
1653 Francesco-Giuseppe Bressani: “the freshwater sea”… At the west, along the shores of this of this lake, was the nation which we called “Tobacco” (JR38:235).
This statement confirms others suggesting that during Bressani’s time in Huronia (1646-1650) the Petun were close to the lake.
1653 Francesco-Giuseppe Bressani: “In the mountains of the Tobacco Nation..” (JR40:15); “to the mountains of the Tobacco Nation” (JR40:45).
Read with the previous statement, the implied location of the “mountains” is near the lake. Like Ragueneau, Bressani is not known to have actually visited the Petun country.
DIRECTION AND DISTANCES TO THE PETUN
The following primary source references to directions and distances from the Hurons to the Petuns are arranged in chronological order to aid comparison through time. Lengthy quotations from the original sources are avoided by the use of contracted excerpts.
In 1653 Francesco-Giuseppe Bressani published a summary of the Jesuit Relations (JR) to date in Italy. Although he did not visit the Petuns, he must have gained some close knowledge of them while in Huronia, and is accepted as a primary source. However, his distances are constantly exaggerated and conflict with his map.
1616 Samuel de Champlain: From CARHAGOUHA “to the Petun… we set off on February (January?) 15 (1616)… arrived on the seventeenth. We visited (a principal village and) seven other villages… (and) They were beginning to build two villages in the midst of the woods” (Champlain 1929 111:94-6).
Champlain took two days to reach the Petuns. Later visitors (e.g. see le Mercier 1637, Lalemant 1639b) also took two days, so any Petun villages that moved in the interim did not move far, and remained in the same general area. Champlain visited a minimum of ten Petun villages.
1636 Jean de Brébeuf: From IHONATIRIA “the Village of souls was toward the Tobacco Nation, that is to say, toward the West, eight leagues from us… the road… passed near a rock called Ecaregniondi (Ekarenniondi)” (JR10:145).
From IHONATIRIA the distance of only eight leagues, twenty-four miles, is far too short to be possible. Jones’ suggestion that the measurement was really “from Ossossane, which was really the starting point of the Hurons going to the Petuns” (1903:109-110; 1909:221) seems inspired, and is most probably correct. Twenty-four miles from OSSOSSANE via the Upper Crossing reaches ten miles west of the river to near Duntroon. Brebeuf actually made the journey himself in 1634.
1637 François Joseph le Mercier: From IHONATIRIA “a visit to the Tobacco Nation, which is two days journey from us” (JR 14:35).
The argument applied by Jones to the Brebeuf 1636 reference above should surely also be applied
to this quotation. Instead, Jones accepted that the “two days” commenced at IHONATIRIA, and at 10 leagues (thirty miles) a day calculated “from forty-eight to sixty miles” (1903:110; 1909:221-222), a grossly excessive distance bearing in mind the various statements about the difficulty of travelling in winter. As will be seen, a good average winter’s full day travel did not exceed eighteen to twenty miles. If the Nottawasaga River was not frozen and had to be forded, considerable time would be lost for drying etc., and the journey broken into two parts, one day to reach (and cross ?) the river, one further day to the Petun villages (see Lalemant 1639b following).
1639a Jérôme Lalemant: “The Khionontateronons are distant from the country of the Hurons about twelve or fifteen leagues toward the West”(JR20:43).
Jones commented that this statement “was written from the Huron country without indicating any particular place” (1903:110; 1909:222). As Lalemant was Superior of the Huron Mission he surely was nowhere else but at the new Residence of Ste. Marie Among the Hurons, from which twelve or fifteen leagues, thirty-six miles or forty five miles, via the Upper Crossing, would reach 14 to 23 miles west of the river.
Lalemant was writing about the journey of Fathers Charles Garnier and Isaac Jogues to the principal Petun village of EHWAE. Possibly the first of the two measurements apply to the nearest Petun, and the second to EHWAE. The same account lists the names of nine Petun villages.
1639b Jérôme Lalemant: The missionaries Father Charles Garnier and Isaac Jogues left Ste. Marie on All Saints’ Day (November 1) (JR19:125). On their way to the principal Petun village of EHWAE they had become lost. They paused at “some poor cabins” for guides who took them instead to the village of ST. THOMAS, arriving after dark the second day. “We made easily a league by the mere light of the snow, and arrived about eight o’clock in the evening” (JR20:45).
With darkness on November 2, 1639 arriving at about 6.40 p.m., a distance of three miles was covered in one hour and twenty minutes. An after-dark speed is indicated of 2% miles per hour, in November conditions, with enough light to travel. As will be seen, this was faster that an all-day hike in day-light in December conditions (presumably deeper snow) but which probably included halts for refreshment and rest, and averaged less than two miles an hour (Ragueneau 1649c). The inference is unstated that but for the confusion of being lost, and the delay in obtaining guides, the journey from the Nottawasaga River to ST. THOMAS could have been accomplished wholly in daylight. The entire journey took two days.
1641 François Gendron: “Du cofte de I’Oueft-fur-Oueft, ceft a dire, quafi a I’Occident eft la Nation du Petun, quin’eft eloignee de ladite maifon des lesuites qu’enuiron douze lieues. Il y a en cette Nation deux Miffionaires” (1660:6). (“In the direction west-south-west, that is to say, almost west, is the nation of the Petun, which is only about twelve leagues from the said house of the Jesuits. There are in this Nation two missionaries”).
The cited statement is taken from a letter written by Fran90is Gendron while he was the resident doctor at Ste. Marie Among the Hurons in 1644 and 1645 (Gendron 1660:3; Nadeau 1966:328). There were no missionaries among the Petun in 1644 and 1645, but there had been two during the winters of 1639-1640 and 1640-1641. This comment therefore applies to 1641 at the latest, and to the villages then in existence, the principal of which was EHWAE.
Twelve leagues, or thirty-six miles, from Ste. Marie via the Upper Crossing of the Nottawasaga River would place the Petun about fourteen miles west of the Upper Crossing.
1648 Paul Ragueneau: From Ste. Marie “To the west-southwest, that is to say almost at the West, lies the Tobacco Nation, which is only about twelve leagues distant from us” (JR33:61).
Allowing twelve leagues to be thirty-six miles, and deducting twenty-two miles from Ste. Marie to the Upper Crossing of the Nottawasaga River, indicates a further fourteen miles to the Petun.
1649a Francisco-Giuseppe Bressani: From OSSOSSANE “The women, the children and… Old men passed all night on the ice, in order to flee to the Tobacco nation, more than forty miles distant” (JR39:251).
Forty Italian miles equates with about forty-six English statute miles. This distance from OSSOSSANE to the Petun directly across the ice is impossible, as it nearly reaches to Owen Sound with a landfall at Meaford. Nor can it be accepted that such a distance could be traversed in a single night by “The women, the children and many centenarian Old men” (JR39:251), who in the dark, carefully seeking sure footing (ice conditions in March would not favour such a crossing), encumbered with children and belongings, possibly on snow-shoes, could not be expected to average even Chabanel’s daylight two miles an hour.
If the distance given was the equivalent by land, a point thirty-three miles west of the Winter Crossing is about four miles beyond Meaford. This is so puzzlingly inconsistent with the other references that it is not considered further. Bressani’s own map shows the distance to be about fifteen Italian miles, seventeen English statute miles, less than half the distance given.
Also puzzling is the omission of mention in Bressani’s account of the presence among the migrants of fellow Jesuit Father Pierre-Joseph-Marie Chaumonot, whose own account of the migration follows. As noted elsewhere, Bressani never actually visited the Petun, and might have thought the (Blue) “mountains” of the Petun he could see from Huronia were further away than they are. Nevertheless, Bressani has clearly excessively exaggerated the length of the journey.
1649b Pierre Chaumonot: On the night of March 19, 1649, Father Pierre-Joseph-Marie Chaumonot was part of an evacuation from OSSOSSANE to a nation “which was eleven long leagues from our location” (“qui etait a onze grandes lieues de notre demeure”) (1885:94).
Chaumonot’s “eleven long leagues”, thirty three miles, for the journey, is hardly more feasible than Bressani’s “more than forty”. Chaumonot recorded that the news that caused the evacuation of OSSOSSANE, where he resided, did not arrive until midnight, and there was a period of lamentation and indecision during which Chaumonot visited cabins and held baptismal services and confessions before the actual migration commenced, the night being in consequence well advanced before the migration started. On the other hand, he does not say the journey was accomplished during a single night, when the refugees arrived, that they crossed on the ice, nor to whom, or where, they went. Bressani, who is the only source stating the migration was over the ice, (1649a) identified the nation of refuge as the Petun. Father Felix Martin, editor of Chaumonot’s work, agreed with this, adding an explanatory footnote to Chaumonot’s text to identify “La nation du Petun, ou Mission des Apotres” (1885:94fn1).Chaumonot himself later identified the Petun only as “I’alliee des Hurons et le refuge d’un grand nombre de fuyards” (“ally of the Hurons and the
refuge of many fugitives”) (1885:105)
Whether Chaumonot’s party travelled by land, or over the ice but gave the distance by land, a total of thirty three miles would place the Petun twenty miles west of the Winter Crossing, about half-way between Craigleith and Thornbury. This is not an unreasonable error, Chaumonot having made the estimate in most difficult circumstances.
1649c Paul Ragueneau: Father Noel Chabanel left the village of EKARENNIONDI “on the morning of the seventh day of December (1649). Having travelled six long leagues over a most difficult road, he found himself overtaken by night” (JR35:147).
On December 7th there are about ten hours of daylight. Six leagues, eighteen miles, were traversed in newly fallen snow. Time for rest and refreshment probably included, a speed when moving of about two miles an hour is indicated. He presumably reached the Nottawasaga River Upper Crossing from which the village of EKARENNIONDI was therefore eighteen miles westerly.
1649d Francisco-Giuseppe Bressani: Chabanel was “after eighteen or twenty miles of exceedingly bad road, overtakenby night” (JR40:35).
This is consistent with Ragueneau’s account (1649c), and probably copied from it, but whereas Ragueneau gave only one distance, six leagues, Bressani gives two, eighteen or twenty miles. As noted above, six French leagues is eighteen English statute miles. Eighteen Italian miles is twenty English statute miles. This may or may not be the explanation. If Italian miles are intended, eighteen and twenty become twenty and twenty-three English statute miles. If the latter possibility is the case, Bressani, as with reference 1649a, is guilty of unjustified exaggeration.
1649e Paul Ragueneau: “It was on the seventh day of… December (1649) toward three o’clock in the afternoon, that… the Iroquois appeared at the gates of the village” (of ETHARITA) (JR35:109). “Toward midnight (Chabanel) heard a noise… partly of a victorious hostile force who occupied that (same) road; partly, also, of captives, taken that very day in the village of St. John” (ETHARITA) (JR35:149).
The Iroquois divided the nine hours between 3:00 p.m. and midnight by destroying the village and returning to within hearing of Noel Chabanel’s camp, presumably near the Upper Crossing of the Nottawasaga River. How much distance they could have travelled depends on when they left the village and their subsequent speed towards the river. Having attacked and captured the village, seized and restrained, selected or killed the prisoners, searched for, divided and prepared the booty for transport, and finally having set fire to the village, they departed on their return journey, most probably after dark, through strange and hostile territory, burdened with booty and reluctant captives, and perhaps some of their own wounded. Even though they “hastened their retreat so precipitately, that they put to death… all (those) unable to keep up with them” (JR35:111), made no attempt at concealment, and certainly did not stop for refreshment, it is difficult to accept that they could have made any better time in the circumstances than Chabanel had in daylight earlier the same day (two miles an hour).
How long an efficient Iroquois force took to attack, capture, loot and destroy a village from which the male warriors were absent is difficult to guess. Perhaps two, three or four hours might be required. Allowing two hours to destroy the village leave seven hours for the march, and at two miles per hour
a distance from ETHARITA to Chabanel’s camp near the Nottawasaga River of about fourteen miles is indicated; three hours to destroy the village leaves six hours for the march, and implies a distance of twelve miles; four hours at the village indicates a distance of ten miles.
1649f Francisco-Giuseppe Bressani: From Ste. Marie (presumably) “At the West, along the shores of this lake, was the nation which we called “Tobacco”… not distant from us more than 35 or 40 miles” (JR38:235).
The 35 or 40 Italian miles used by Bressani equate with 40 or 46 English statute miles. Deducting some twenty-two miles from Ste. Marie to the Upper Crossing, the Petun, possibly the Mission headquarters at EKARENNIONDI, are placed eighteen to twenty-four miles west of the Upper Crossing. Because Bressani’s previously considered distances (1649a, 1649d) are shown to be exaggerated, this distance may also be excessive, even though it corresponds to the distance shown between Ste. Marie and the nearest Petun village on his map (1657).
Table 1 SUMMARY OF DIRECTION AND DISTANCES TO THE PETUN
YEAR FROM/TO DISTANCE/DIRECTION AUTHORITY
1616 …….. CARHAGOUHA ?…….. 2 days walking over land…….. Champlain III:95
1616 etc……… …….. west to Nottawasaga River…….. Champlain et. al. maps
1636…….. IHONATIRIA/Ekarenniondi ?…….. 8 leagues toward the west…….. de Brebeuf JR10:145
1637…….. IHONATIRIA ?…….. 2 days journey…….. le Mercier JR14:35
1639a…….. Ste. Marie ?/EHWAE ?…….. 12 or 15 leagues toward the west…….. Lalemant JR20:43
1639b…….. River ?/ST. THOMAS…….. 1 day walking…….. Lalemant JR20:45
1641…….. St. Marie/EKARENNIONDI ?…….. about 12 leagues west-southwest,……..
…….. …….. almost west…….. Gendron 1660:6
1645-1649…….. 12 Italian miles west of……..
…….. …….. Nottawasaga River…….. Bressani ? map 1657
1648…….. Ste. Marie/EKARENNIONDI ?…….. about 12 leagues west-southwest,
…….. …….. almost west…….. Ragueneau JR33:61
1649a…….. OSSOSSANE/Petun…….. all night walking on ice, forty
…….. …….. plus Italian miles…….. Bressani JR39:251
1649…….. OSSOSSANE/Petun…….. 11 long leagues…….. Chaumonot 1885:94
1649c…….. EKARENNIONDI/Nottawasaga River
…….. …….. 6 long leagues, 1 day…….. Ragueneau JR35:147
1649c…….. EKARENNIONDI/Nottawasaga River
…….. …….. 18 or 20 Italian miles, 1 day…….. Bressani JR40:35
1649e…….. ETHARITA/Nottawasaga River…….. 5-7 hours, 10-14 miles…….. Ragueneau JR35:109, 149
1649f…….. Ste. Marie ?/EKARENNIONDI ?…….. 35 or 40 miles at the West,
…….. …….. along the shores of this lake…….. Bressani JR38:235
DISTANCES CONVERTED TO ENGLISH STATUTE MILES
From the Upper Nottawasaga River Crossing to the beginning of the Petun country was 10 miles (Brebeuf 1636), 14 miles (Gendron 1660), 14 miles (Ragueneau 1648), 18 or 24 miles (Bressani 1649f); to EHWAE: 14 or 23 miles (Lalemant 1639a); to ETHARITA: under 14 miles (Bressani ? map, 1657); 10, 12 or 14 miles (Ragueneau 1649e); and to EKARENNIONDI: under 14 miles (Bressani ? map, 1657): 18 miles (Ragueneau 1649c), 20 or 23 miles (Bressani 1649d).
From the Winter Crossing to the Petun country at the lakeshore was 20 miles (Chaumonot 1885),
or 33 miles (Bressani 1649a).
When the Bressani (1649a) distance is rejected as inconsistently far, the sixteen remaining references place the Petun country at a minimum distance of ten miles, and the maximum of twenty-four from the Upper Crossing. To this area, the distances twelve and twenty-four miles are given once; ten, eighteen, twenty and twenty-three twice; and fourteen miles six times. The distance of fourteen miles is interpreted as being to the centre of the Petun country. If the distances given by people who were never in the Petun country (Bressani, Lalemant, Ragueneau) are disregarded, together with that of Chaumonot for the reason given, then fourteen miles becomes the furthest boundary of the Petun country.
Five primary source maps (of which an example is reproduced in this paper, as Map 1) show the location of the pre-Dispersal Petun as being a short distance west to south-west of the Nottawasaga River, extending south from the Georgian Bay shore.
Four authors have described the Petun country; the first mentions hill slopes, little level stretches, part cleared for maize agriculture, wooded (Champlain 1616); with a broad, well-beaten trail near the rock Ekarenniondi (Brebeuf 1636); later mentions are of mountains (Ragueneau 1649, Ragueneau 1650, Bressani 1653); on the shore of ‘the freshwater sea’ (Bressani 1653); accessible by canoe (Ragueneau 1649). There is an implied shift from hill slopes (early) to mountains at the lakeshore (late). There were ten villages in 1616 (Champlain 1616), nine in 1639 (Lalemant 1639a), and five in 1645-1649 (Bressani ? Map 1657).
Five references to direction confirm the placements on the maps; two specify “towards the West” (Brebeuf 1636, Lalemant 1639a), one “at the west, along the shores of this lake” (Bressani 1649f), one “southwest, almost west” (Ragueneau 1648), and one “west-south-west, almost west” (Gendron 1641). All Petun villages must therefore lie between ‘west-south-west’ and the Freshwater Sea (Georgian Bay) to the north. Four of these references are probably from Ste. Marie-among-the-Hurons, and the one from IHONATIRIA (Brebeuf 1636) is in accord.
Sixteen accepted, stated, measured or deduced distances place the Petun from ten to twenty-four miles beyond the Nottawasaga River Upper Crossing, with a centre at fourteen miles. Bressani’s 1649a distance (thirty-three miles) is rejected as too far.
Three references state or imply that to walk from the Hurons to the Petuns took two days (Champlain 1616, le Mercier 1637, Lalemant 1639b). Between the Nottawasaga River and ST. THOMAS (Lalemant 1639b), or EKARENNIONDI (Ragueneau 1649c) took a full day, and from ETHARITA less than nine hours (Ragueneau 164ge).
The range of distances to ETHARITA has the tightest cluster, four miles, compared with EHWAE and EKARENNIONDI at nine miles. EKARENNIONDI is northerly from ETHARITA. Further refinement may be possible when these villages are considered in conjunction with information available about the Mission of the Apostles.
The above are summarised on Map 2 following.
From the Hurons, the ten (1616), nine (1639) or five (1649 ?) Petun villages extended north from ‘west-south-west’ to the shore of the Freshwater Sea (Georgian Bay) in the ‘west’, ranging some ten to fourteen miles, or twenty-four miles with a centre at fourteen miles, beyond the Nottawasaga River Upper Crossing, in an area which included “hill slopes and little level stretches” south of “mountains” by the lake shore, and the sacred rock Ekarenniondi, near a substantial trail.
1653 Breve Relatione.
(in English) JR38:203-287, JR39:11-263, JR40:13-65
1657 Huronum Explicata Tabula. (Map, ascribed to),
reproduced in Garrad 1997a, Plate 6.
Champlain, Samuel de,
1616 [La Nouvelle France] faict par le Sr. de Champlain, 1616. (Map)
reproduced in Garrad 1997a, Plate 1.
1632 Carte de la Nouvelle France.. par le Sr. de Champlain. (Map)
reproduced in Garrad 1997a, Plate 2.
1622-36 The Works of Samuel de Champlain.
six volumes & Portfolio of Plates and Maps,
The Champlain Society, Toronto.
1885 Autobiograghie du Pere Chaumonot de la Compagnie de Jesus.
ed. Father Felix Martin S.J.,
1648 Lettre de Saint Charles Garnier a son frere. le Pere Henri de Saint-Joseph.
Carms. de Sainte-Marie des Hurons. 25 Avril 1648.
Rapport de l’Archiviste de la Province de Quebec pour 1929-1930, Quebec 1930
(Substantially cited in English in JONES 1903:106; 1909:230,355-356)
1997a Maps Locating the Petun.
Research Bulletin No.6, February 1997, Petun Research Institute,
1997b Crossing the Nottawasaga
Research Bulletin No.7, February 1997, Petun Research Institute,
1660 Quelques particularitez du pays des Hurons en la Nouvelle France
remarquees par le Sieur Gendron. docteur en medecine. qui a demeure
dans ce pays-la fort long-temps.
Troyes & Paris.
1966 Maps Relating to the First Half of the 17th Century and Their Use in
Determining the Location of Jesuit Missions in Huronia.
The Cartographer 3(2) December 1966: 103-126,
Jones, Arthur Edward
1903 Identification of St. Ignace II and of Ekarenniondi.
Annual Archaeological Report 1902:92-136,
1909 8endake Ehen.
Fifth Report of the Bureau of Archives 1908,
JR = Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents.
1896-1901 ed. R. G. Thwaites, 73 volumes, Cleveland
1966 Francois Gendron.
Dictionary of Canadian Biography, volume 1:328,
University of Toronto Press.
1636 Histoire du Canada.
1939 The Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons.
The Champlain Society, Toronto.
Map 1 Francisco-Giusepp Beressani ? 1657: Huronum Explicata Tabula.
This map shows the Nottawasaga River and dunes, and symbols for five Petun villages, two of which are named, ‘Ethahrita’ and ‘eKarinniondi’ (ETHARITA and EKARENNIONDI).
Map 2 The Theoretical Location of the Petun Country.
A summary of maps and text references to distances and direction.