"As long as the Wyandot-Delaware land purchase agreement remained unconfirmed by Congress, the Wyandots had concentrated their efforts on securing its sanction. But when they obtained their reserve from the Delawares, they turned their undivided attention to the settlement of their claim to 148,000 acres of- public domain. On November 18, 1849, the Wyandots sent a delegation composed of Francis A. Hicks and George I. Clark, chiefs, and Joel Walker, secretary to the Wyandot Council, to Washington to assist Bartley in his prosecution of their claim. Bartley was informed of their impending visit in December, and he prepared to meet the delegation in Washington. 24

Commissioner of Indian Affairs Brown informed the delegates on January 26, 1850, that they could not secure a monetary consideration for their claim without a new treaty. In February, Judge N. L. Read, of Ohio, joined the Wyandot delegation in the prosecution of their claim. He also agreed to aid them in return for 20 percent of whatever the tribe could obtain from the govern-ment. A new treaty was submitted by all parties concerned to Secretary of the Interior Ewing on March 6, and by the end of March the Wyandots suspended all efforts to prosecute their claim under the treaty of March 17, 1842. Under the new treaty, concluded between the Wyandot delegation and the government on April 1, 1850, the United States agreed to pay the Wyandots $185,000 for their claim on 148,000 acres of public domain, $85,000 in cash, and $100,000 to be invested in United States securities bearing a 5 percent interest. The annual interest on these securities was to be paid to the tribe at the same time as their annuity payments. The government agreed to pay all expenses incurred by the Wyandot delegates in Washington."

While Moseley was crossing sweltering western Missouri on his way south to Sarcoxie, a group of Wyandots were making their way west across the Great Plains on the journey to the gold fields of California. Several Wyandots had started a joint stock mining company, and on April 20, 1849, they began to prepare for the long journey to California. The argonauts were a mixed band of Wyandots and white men. The Indians were Theodore F. Garrett (Captain), Irvin P. Long, Matthew Brown, Charles B. Garrett, Phillip Brown, Adam Hunt, R. Palmer, and Russell Garrett. Their white comrades were William Bowers, William Lynville (William Walker's substitute), Ira Hunter (assistant blacksmith at the Wyandot blacksmith shop), and Dr. E. S. Hand. 14

The members of the Wyandot Mining Company set out for the gold mines on May 31, by way of the Oregon-California Trail. Other emigrants joined the Garrett party, and soon the caravan comprised twenty-five wagons with accompanying animals. The train was joined at the start of the journey by a party of Missour­ians made up of Washington Henry Chick, Evan G. Hewitt and B.­ F. Tibbs. The Chick party had three horses, four oxen and a wagon. The hopeful argonauts made good time for the first 100 miles of their westward trek, but then cholera struck the caravan with all its fury. Chick noted that “a great many died.” 15

William Walker reported that the company reached Fort Laramie on June 20. All the members of the Wyandot Mining Company were stricken with the disease, but although Adam Hunt approached death, Dr. Hand was able to nurse all of the travelers back to health. The day the Wyandots and their white comrades reached Fort Laramie, Hunt was convalescing, but he was still too feeble to perform his assigned tasks. They were forced to abandon one of their wagons because, according to Walker, the vehicle was “unmountainworthy.” The members of the Wyandot Mining Company had to dispose of 500 pounds of bacon, but since they hunted buffalo, their meat supply was adequate. A few of their horses were stolen by a party of Sioux Indians, but four Wyandots pursued the thieves until they reached an encampment of 300 Sioux. The four trackers, Walker related, “marched boldly into the encampment, announced their national name Wyandott, took possession of their animals and marched off without even returning thanks.” The Wyandots believed that the Sioux were impressed with their audacity, but also that the Sioux remembered with terror what the name “Wyandott” had meant in the past to the tribes of the Great Lakes region; thus they permitted the trackers to return to their colleagues without suffering any harm. 16

After resting and recuperating at Fort Laramie, the weary argonauts continued west and reached the vicinity of Mt. Lassen by October, 1849. A second contingent of Wyandots, led by Abelard Gutherie, a white man who had married into the tribe, departed for the California gold fields on May 15, 1850. After an arduous journey of six months, the little band of Wyandot miners reached the Feather River region. The two groups of miners from the Wyandot Reserve made their richest strike near Wyandotte, in present Butte County, California. The news of their success reached other miners in California, and soon over 200 argonauts were prospecting near the Wyandot Mining Company diggings. Years later Russell B. Garrett related his experiences and those of his father, Charles B. Garrett, during their adventures in California. The Garretts found a considerable quantity of gold along the north fork of the Feather River. Gold mining, however, was an occupation which proved too difficult for Charles. The elder Garrett contracted "mountain fever," and soon he was seriously ill from the disease. Russell persuaded his father to return to Kansas. The Garretts went to San Francisco where they boarded a ship bound for New Orleans. The Indian seafarers rounded the Horn of South America and arrived in port on February 1, 1852. There they waited until the ice on the Mississippi River melted before returning to the Wyandot Reserve in the spring. 17

While the members of the Wyandot Mining Company were ascending the Rocky Mountains on their western odyssey in 1849, the Moseley were moving from Sarcoxie, Missouri, to the Wyandot Reserve. On July 29 Subagent Moseley sent his son, Beverley A. Moseley, from Sarcoxie to the Wyandot Subagency to prepare for the arrival of the remainder of the Moseley clan. Thomas indicated that Beverley was one of the "sons of temperance," and the elder Moseley requested that John M. Armstrong assist Beverley during his period of adjustment to his new environment. In addition, the subagent indicated that he wanted young Moseley to be admitted to the fold of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The remainder of the Moseley family reached the Wyandot Reserve by September 10. 18

Moseleys moved into the subagency residence which had been occupied by former Subagent Hewitt and his family. The new subagent began to search for a suitable dwelling for his residence. On October 8, Moseley concluded a preliminary arrangement with Joel Walker, a Wyandot, whereby the government would purchase the Walker residence for $1,000 and this building would become the subagency residence. Moseley claimed that the Walker house was worth $1,700 and that it was satisfactory for the subagency residence. Superintendent Mitchell and Commissioner of Indian Affairs Brown approved and confirmed the transaction. Later the two-story sub­agency residence was covered with weatherboards to protect the logs. 19

On November 9 Moseley made an agreement to purchase two houses from Robert Robitaille and Isaac Zane, Jr. to be used as residences for the blacksmith and his assistant. These structures were bought and repaired at a cost of $900. During the summer of 1850, Moseley employed Daniel Edginton, a local carpenter, to make additional improvements to the three buildings, which cost the government $139.82.10. 20

It was important that Moseley insure that the blacksmith and his assistant had suitable residences on the Wyandot Reserve. Blacksmiths were in short supply on the Kansas frontier in 1849. Charles Graham, the blacksmith here, had been the blacksmith on the Wyandot Reserve in Ohio, but when the Indians sold their reserve to the government, Graham had accompanied them on their trek to Kansas. When assistant blacksmith Ira Hunter resigned from his position in May, 1849, Graham was compelled to use his slave Richard as his assistant. Graham petitioned the government to obtain the normal salary of an assistant blacksmith for the use of Richard in this capacity. Moseley was fortunate enough to retain the services of Graham, but he had difficulty hiring an assistant at a salary of $20 a month. However, he was able to employ Guilford D. Hurt of Jasper County, Missouri, as assistant blacksmith. Graham remained in the position of blacksmith for the Wyandots until December 1850, when he resigned to devote his energy to farming. Since the rich soil of the Wyandot Reserve was capable of producing bumper crops of corn, it attracted the attention of white men as well as Indians. The former blacksmith did not practice farming long because in July 1851, he died during another cholera epidemic which struck the reserve. Moseley replaced Graham with Samuel Drummond in January 1851, but Hurt remained at his post as assistant black-smith until May 1851. When the Wyandot Subagency was reorganized into the Kansas Agency in July, Drummond was demoted to assistant blacksmith and William McGown of Missouri became blacksmith. The blacksmith and his assistant were very important to the welfare of those living on the Wyandot Reserve. These men made most of the metal utensils which were so significant in the everyday life of this agricultural community. 21

One of the principal functions of the Wyandot Subagent was to pay the Wyandots the funds they received from the government. On September 1, 1849, Superintendent Mitchell instructed Moseley to come to St. Louis and receive the federal funds due the Wyandots. Thomas complied with the request, returning to the Wyandot Reserve by early October. The Wyandots received their October payment and promptly turned over $2,000 to the Delawares for partial payment for the Wyandot Reserve. Although the funds reached the Wyandot chiefs, Lucy B. Armstrong was still unsatisfied with the performance of the new subagent. She complained to Secretary of the Interior Ewing that Moseley had been absent from his post for seven weeks (the period spent bringing his family from Sarcoxie, Missouri, to the Wyandot Reserve), and that the new subagent was a bad influence on the Wyandots. Although Moseley had tried to heal the wounds which had resulted when John M. Armstrong was not hired as interpreter by placing his son Beverley under Armstrong's care, Lucy was not modified. She stated that Moseley was against people from Ohio, although she knew that Secretary Ewing was a native of Ohio. 22

One of the most significant events to occur during the last years of the Wyandot Subagency was the conclusion of the Wyandot Treaty of 1850 with the United States Government. When Con­gress approved the purchase of the Wyandot Reserve from the Delawares in 1848, the Wyandots were still pressing for a settle­ment of their claim to 148,000 acres of public domain. This tract had been promised under the Wyandot Treaty of March 17, 1842. On February 11, 1846, former governor of Ohio, T. W. Bartley, the Wyandot legal counsel, had agreed to prosecute their claim to the land or a monetary settlement, in return for 20 percent of whatever could be recovered from the government. Bartley was instructed by the Wyandot chiefs to insist on $1.25 and acre, and under no circumstances to agree to less than $1.00 an acre. 23

As long as the Wyandot-Delaware land purchase agreement remained unconfirmed by Congress, the Wyandots had concentrated their efforts on securing its sanction. But when they obtained their reserve from the Delawares, they turned their undivided attention to the settlement of their claim to 148,000 acres of- public domain. On November 18, 1849, the Wyandots sent a delegation composed of Francis A. Hicks and George I. Clark, chiefs, and Joel Walker, secretary to the Wyandot Council, to Washington to assist Bartley in his prosecution of their claim. Bartley was informed of their impending visit in December, and he prepared to meet the delegation in Washington. 24

Commissioner of Indian Affairs Brown informed the delegates on January 26, 1850, that they could not secure a monetary consideration for their claim without a new treaty. In February, Judge N. L. Read, of Ohio, joined the Wyandot delegation in the prosecution of their claim. He also agreed to aid them in return for 20 percent of whatever the tribe could obtain from the govern­ment. A new treaty was submitted by all parties concerned to Secretary of the Interior Ewing on March 6, and by the end of March the Wyandots suspended all efforts to prosecute their claim under the treaty of March 17, 1842. Under the new treaty, concluded between the Wyandot delegation and the government on April 1, 1850, the United States agreed to pay the Wyandots $185,000 for their claim on 148,000 acres of public domain, $85,000 in cash, and $100,000 to be invested in United States securities bearing a 5 percent interest. The annual interest on these securities was to be paid to the tribe at the same time as their annuity payments. The government agreed to pay all expenses incurred by the Wyandot delegates in Washington. 25

The treaty was presented to the Wyandot tribe at a national convention which met on three occasions on the Wyandot Reserve between May 7 and May 23, 1850. The Wyandots approved the treaty on May 23 with a few minor amendments by a vote of sixty-three to twenty, but Subagent Moseley reported that a majority of the Indians were opposed to the treaty. He contended that only the Wyandots with a large percentage of white blood supported the treaty, and that they were able to secure a majority in the convention through bribery. 26

Notwithstanding Moseley's report, the United States Senate ratified the Wyandot Treaty on September 24, 1850, and on December 2 the Indians accepted the treaty. At this point the 553 members of the Wyandot tribe could expect renumeration for their claim on the public domain, although there was still a question as to whether T. W. Bartley or Judge Read would receive a 20 percent commission for prosecuting the Wyandot claim. This question remained unanswered for two years. On February 8, 1851, the Wyandots reappointed Clark and Walker as delegates to go to Washington to settle unfinished business connected with the treaty of 1850. John W. Greyeyes, a chief who had replaced Francis Hicks, was not appointed to serve on the delegation of 1851. Silas Armstrong, a brother of John M. Armstrong, stated that Greyeyes was dropped from the delegation because many Wyandots feared he would pay Bartley the $37,000 commission he had earned prose­cuting the Wyandot claim. Moseley reported on February 12 that before the two delegates left the Wyandot Reserve they drew three drafts in favor of Clark. The first draft of $16,000 was to be used to pay the Delawares the final installment on the Wyandot Heserve; the second draft of $32,000 was to be divided among members of the tribe on a per capita basis; and the third draft of $37,000 was to be paid to either Bartley or Judge Read. 27

The Wyandot delegates paid the commission to Read, but until 1852 Bartley attempted to recover his fee. However, Bartley lost his principal supporter in the Wyandot tribe when John M. Armstrong died in Ohio on April 15, 1852. The Wyandots never paid Bartley any money for his efforts in aiding them in prosecut­ing their claim on 148,000 acres of public domain, but he had received fees from the tribe for other legal services. The final installment on the reserve was paid by the Wyandots on August 1, 1851, and the $32,000 was divided among the tribe on a per capita basis. The $100,000 to be invested in United States Government securities was invested in state securities. Although this action was in direct violation of the Treaty of 1850, the Indians were powerless to reverse the decision of officials of the government. After over three decades of litigation, the Wyandots received the final partial payment due under the provisions of the Treaty of 1850. The members of the tribe have never received a settlement on interest due the Indians according to the provisions of the Treaty of 1850. 28

While the Wyandots prosecuted their claim on the public domain, Moseley performed his duties as subagent. He was fre­quently called upon to defend the Indians from the greed of dishonest whites. Periodically, horse thieves from Missouri slipped across the border and took animals from the Wyandots, and occasionally, Indians were murdered by whites in drunken brawls. Moseley usually testified on the Indians' behalf in those cases. Despite Moseley's efforts, a few Wyandots did not think that he performed the duties of his office. In June, 1850, a group of dissatisfied Wyandots led by John M. Armstrong protested Moseley's conduct to Commissioner of Indian Affairs Brown. They accused Moseley of ineptitude, failure to perform his duties regard­ing the annuity payments, using profane language, and favoring white traders. The Wyandot chiefs refuted these charges on August 8 to Luke Lea, the new Commissioner of Indian Affairs and attributed the protest to personal animosity toward Moseley. Despite this controversy, Moseley was able to retain his position. 29

Although the Wyandots were very dependent upon the decisions of officials of the United States Government, they tried to maintain a viable tribal government. The men who shouldered the responsibility for the success or failure of the Wyandot tribal government were the chiefs and the members of the Legislative Committee. The members of the Legislative Committee acted as an advisory board, but they could propose laws which would be approved or rejected by the Wyandot chiefs. On August 13, 1850, George I. Clark was elected principal chief for a two-year term, and James Washington, James Rankin, John W. Greyeyes, and Matthew Mudeater were selected to serve one-year terms as councilors. The Legislative Committee for 1850-1851 was composed of John Armstrong, John Arms, Matthew n. Walker, Hiram M. Northrup, and William Walker. All the adult males of the tribe voted in these annual elections. The election had become traditional over the years and was always held in August because that was the month of the Green Corn Feast, the principal holiday of the Wyandot tribe. 30

The annual salary of the principal chief was $80, while each of the councilors received $60. The members of the Legislative Com­mittee drew an annual emolument of $40 each. The two Wyandot sheriffs, the principal law enforcement officers of the tribe, each received a yearly stipend of $40. The Wyandot jailor, who was charged with holding prisoners at a small prison on the Wyandot Reserve, received $100 each year for his services. The Wyandot ferryman, who operated a ferry which transported passengers and freight over the Kansas River from Missouri, was the highest paid public official; he drew an annual salary of $150. All Wyandot officials were paid from tribal funds received from the federal government. In addition to salaries, $400 was set aside in 1851 for the care of blind members of the tribe. 31

The Wyandot sheriffs investigated all criminal cases on the reserve. There was considerable violence, but the Wyandots preferred not to refer cases involving Indians to the white man's law. However, the Wyandot legal code was similar to that used in white communities. A public defender and a prosecuting attorney were appointed by the Wyandot Council, and the accused was given a jury trial before his peers. The most severe penalty was capital punishment. An extreme example of the possible fate of Wyandots convicted of murder was the case of John Coon, Jr. On December 11, 1852, Coon was committed to the Wyandot jail for his part in the murder of Curtis Punch. He was brought to trial on December 17, and William Walker acted as prosecuting attorney, while Silas Armstrong represented Coon. After a one-day trial, on December 19, the jury returned a verdict of murder in the first degree, although Walker conceded that the evidence merited a verdict of manslaughter. At 1:00 p.m. on January 18, 1853, a procession of Wyandots was formed at the jail. The prisoner was brought forth and placed in a wagon, and the procession pro­ceeded to the place of execution. At 3:30 p.m. a firing squad of six Wyandots faced the prisoner. At a signal given by Matthew R. Walker and Philip Brown, the executioners fired, and Coon fell to the frozen ground dead. Coon's execution was an exception, but several Wyandots were sentenced to prison in the 1850's by their fellow tribesmen. 32

Although serious problems remained, including the payment of claims to the Indians, by January, 1851, Moseley could reflect on considerable progress since assuming office. Both factions of the Methodist Episcopal Church had a resident preacher, and although there was still hostility between the two groups, it remained dormant for the moment. Moseley could claim with justification that the physical facilities of the subagency were in better shape than at any time since its inception in Kansas. Then on February 27, 1851, a decision was reached in the Office of Indian Affairs to abolish the Wyandot Subagency as of July 1. A new agency, designated as the Kansas Agency, was created to serve the Wyandot, Shawnee, Delaware, Munsee, Stockbridge, and Christian Indians of Kansas. Moseley was appointed agent of the Kansas Agency, and his annual salary was increased from $750 to $1,000. 33

After the Wyandot Subagency was closed, Moseley requested that he be allowed to move the headquarters of the Kansas Agency to the buildings which had housed the Shawnee Agency. He com­plained to Superintendent Mitchell that the buildings of the now defunct Wyandot Subagency were located on an unhealthy site. Moseley was granted permission to relocate at the old Shawnee Agency residence; and he rented the former Wyandot Subagency residence to Matthew R. Walker. On November 28, 1853, Joel Walker purchased the former Wyandot Subagency residence from the government for $500.34

On April 28, 1853, recently appointed Commissioner of Indian Affairs George W. Manypenny notified Banjamin F. Robinson of Bolivar, Missouri, that he had been appointed agent of the Kansas Agency to replace Moseley. Accompanied by Moseley, Robinson reached the Wyandot Reserve on May 30, when the new agent was introduced to the Wyandots. Robinson was impressed by the ad­vanced white civilization of the Wyandots. Although he castigated the other tribes under the jurisdiction of the Kansas Agency for their system of laws and well-ordered school districts. Nevertheless, he found that alcoholism and prostitution were common vices among the Wyandots. Seven. members of the Moseley family returned to Owensboro, Kentucky. During the 1840's Amelia Moseley Sanders, a daughter of Thomas and Sallie Moseley, married Samuel D. Sanders of Sarcoxie, Missouri. Amelia remained with her husband in Sarcoxie when the rest of the Moseley family returned to Owensboro. Samuel D. Sanders died, leaving Amelia a widow, so on March 11, 1858, Thomas Moseley, Jr. and Sallie C. Moseley, sold a house and lot to their daughter, Amelia, on what is the north side of the square in modern Sarcoxie, Missouri. Later in the year Thomas and Sallie Moseley visited Amelia in Sarcoxie. On August 16, 1858, Thomas died. and he was interred in the Sarcoxie Cemetery about one mile from the farm he homesteaded in 1846. 35

The administration of Thomas Moseley at the Wyandot Sub­agency occurred during one of the most important periods in the history of the tribe. Before the subagency was consolidated into the Kansas Agency, the Wyandots had laid the foundation for the settlement of many of the problems which confronted their tribe. After the Treaty of 1850 was concluded with the-government, the Indians could concentrate their efforts on improving the reserve in eastern Kansas. No longer was there any indication that they would be moved to another reserve in Kansas, but there was every reason to believe that funds promised by the government under the terms of the Treaty of 1850 would assist them in their attempt to improve their standard of living on the Wyandot Reserve.

Thomas Moseley found a subagency in chaos when he arrived at the Wyandot Subagency during the summer of 1849. His predecessor was held in low esteem by the Indians and the affairs of the subagency were in utter disarray. Moseley acted with speed and decisiveness when he attempted to bring order and efficiency to the subagency. He recognized that a secure base of operations was required and that the existing facilities were totally inadequate. Within a relatively short time he rented a dwelling for his subagency residence and houses for the blacksmiths. The new subagent tried to stay within the guidelines of economy established by his superiors. By renting instead of constructing buildings, he saved the government considerable expense. When the subagency was consolidated into the Kansas Agency, new facilities were necessary at another location, but Moseley was able to sell the Wyandot Subagency residence.

A majority of the Wyandots were willing to accept their sub­ agent during the last years of the Wyandot Subagency. The situation when he assumed office did not make the task of gaining the acceptance of the Indians a simple accomplishment. Some Wyandots accused him of favoring those Indians who held oppos­ing views, and he was accused of not setting a good moral example for the youth of the tribe. However, he did an admirable job under the difficult conditions of the Kansas-Missouri border at the midpoint of the nineteenth century. The last Wyandot Subagency under the administration of Thomas Moseley, Jr. of Owensboro, Kentucky, was one of the better periods in the history of the Wyandot Indians during the nineteenth century.

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