Committee on Military Affairs moved in the Senate to have the Chair appoint a member to fill the place of Mr Lane of Kansas and the motion was agreed to. I inferred from this that Lane would not return to the Senate and went to see Mr Conway to have him go to Mr Doolittle Chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs and request him to make the same motion in reference to Genl. Lane's place in the Com on Indian Affairs, and to ask the appointment of Genl. Pomeroy to succeed Lane. Conway objected to having it done immediately as it was uncertain about Lane's going into the army, and would be displeased with this premature removal. My object was to anticipate the movement by some one else and to secure the place for Pomeroy in whom as a Senator I have great confidence. He is industrious and faithful and we greatly need such a man on that Committee; although Lane would suit me very well and may perhaps have more influence but Pomeroy is more reliable and attentive to business. However Conway said he would see Mr Doolittle in the morning and have him keep the Committee as it is until Lane is heard from and in the event of Lane's resigning to have Pomeroy appointed. Lane is certainly acting very strangely if not insanely. Constantly beset by an army of sycophants who pander to his vanity and obey his behests he turns a cold shoulder to old and real friends. No man that does this can long enjoy the confidence and respect of any class of men for the sycophant loves new idols, and the earnest man will not long be trifled with and then the ungrateful man is deserted and prostrated. Pomeroy made a good remark last night; he said "I will take care of my friends and they and I can take care of my enemies."

Saturday 1st February, 1862.

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In my room most of the day writing my pamphlet on the condition and prospects of the country. If I can get it published soon I think it will be conceded to have some merit. I have not yet fixed on a title. . . .

Sunday 2nd February, 1862.

Finished my pamphlet on the condition and dangers of our government but will yet have to make corrections and a more methodical arrangement of the topics.

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Monday 3rd February, 1862.

Received my Indian Territory bill which I had forgotten at home and for which I wrote to Mr Newman. He sent it with a few lines to Genl. Pomeroy.

Dropped a note in the Post Office for Mr Wattles requesting him to come and see me. He also is trying to have the Indian Country covered by a territorial Government and we agreed to compare our respective plans and prepare a bill from the better features of each. . . . .

At home most of the day reading and writing my pamphlet which I have entitled "On the difficulties and dangers that beset the Nation" or rather I have spent a part of the day in correcting it.

Tuesday 4th February 1862.

Mailed a letter I wrote yesterday to James H. Lane urging him to return to the Senate. Genl. Lane has a thirst for military fame because it is the kind that administers most extravagantly to his insatiable love of honors. I have great doubt of his real desire to command the expedition to Texas. But by not having his wishes complied with he enjoys the eclat of attempting to make a great sacrifice to save the country; and of increasing public confidence in his military talents, which are indeed of a very low order, except in these very essential qualities of vigilance and discretion. Lane wishes to keep himself perpetually in the public eye, and he is undecided how to accomplish it. . . .

Wednesday 5th February, 1862.

Mr Augustus Wattles of Kansas called to see me and I read to him my bill for the establishment of a Territorial government for the Indian Country south of Kansas. He appeared to be satisfied with its provisions but took it to examine it more at his leisure. He also has a bill prepared for the same purpose and will bring it tomorrow and we are to compare the two together and determine which shall be presented to the committee.

Mr Willis Gaylord called to see me in relation to my claims for pay and mileage as delegate, and I agreed to give him twenty per cent to attend to the business for me rather than suffer the delay which I see is purposely occasioned to get a fee for somebody. Mr G.

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is a brother to Mrs Pomeroy and it seems is in partnership with a Mr Edward Clark a fact I did not know before; nor was I at all aware that he was engaged in the business of presenting claims.

Saturday 8th February, 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

To-day I learn that the war is hereafter to be under the immediate direction of the President through his Secretary of war without the intervention of the highest officer in the army, (now McClellan) as has hitherto been the practice. Of this course I heartily approve for I have long doubted the loyalty and ability of McClellan, besides too much deference has been paid to these professional military men, who generally lack sound judgment so all important to success in all the pursuits of life, and perhaps most of any in military life.

The foreign news this evening is that the French Emperor would declare his intention to interfere in our civil war, to his Legislative Council on the 27th ultimo. This I have long looked for but it is not only the French Monarch but he will be backed by England and all the European governments for there is evidently a combination among them which has for its object the overthrow of this government because of its republican form and institutions. It will be a war of political systems as indeed it already is. The South seeking to consolidate its power in the hands of the few and to assimilate its form of government to those of Europe will naturally enlist their sympathies, as it already has done, and very soon secure their alliances offensive and defensive. If we are true to ourselves, however and exert but a moity of the courage and self denial of our revolutionary ancestors we will come forth from the terrible struggle a better wiser and more powerful nation than before. God grant us these high virtues in such perfection as the emergency demands!

Sunday 9th February, 1862

Called to see Hon. M. F. Conway and talked with him nearly an hour about our National troubles. Mr C. voted against the passage of the bill making U. S. notes a legal tender and I cordially approve of this vote. But Mr C. has some views in regard to our future policy that I cannot endorse. He thinks if France, (as she now threatens) breaks our blockade which I would regard as a declaration of

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war and acknowledges the independence of the "Southern Confederacy ["] as it is called that we should acquiesce. I differ from him entirely in this regard for I believe if we should have to raise an army of a million of men it is our duty, and indeed our only hope of salvation, to do it and fight combined Europe as I have no doubt we shall have to do, on our own soil, and I have no doubt we can do it successfully and crush the rebelion besides. . . . .

Monday 10th February, 1862

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Mr Wattles spent the evening with me in comparing our respective plans for the organization of the Indian Country south of Kansas for the especial use of the Indians. I think his plan is crude and not equal to the necessities of the object. Last summer at the extra session of Congress I prepared a bill for this purpose, but Genl. Lane whom I wanted to present it to the Senate was opposed to organize a government over any territory for Indian settlement exclusively. His wish was to destroy the Indian not to civilize him. I think under a mild and simple government with laws executed by themselves the Indians might under the fostering care of the United States, become a united and homogeneous people, and in time form a valuable State of the Union. Without a measure of this kind they must soon become extinct. I am well pleased with the attention Mr Wattles gives the matter, but his plans seem ill-digested and ill-judged.

Tuesday, 11 February, 1862

Mr Wattles has been here much of the day perfecting his territorial bill. But withal I think it a bungling piece of work and have no idea Congress will pass it in the form he has now got it. I have made a good many suggestions which he adopted but still it does not please me. . . .

Thursday 13th February, 1862

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Mr Wattles left on My table a copy of the N. Y. Tribune containing an article against erecting an exclusively Indian State south of Kansas, The article was probably, written by Mrs Lucy B. Armstrong. Mr Wattles wanted me to answer it and I accordingly wrote the greater part of a reply, but feel to dull too finish it.

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Thursday 20th February, 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Handed Mr Augustus Wattles my reply to "Yarahkonehta" in the N. Y. Tribune. The writer is supposed to be Mrs Lucy B. Armstrong and urges some plausible but erroneous reasons against the organization of the Indian Territory south of Kansas. I have endeavored to answer these objections. The article is not well written and should have been carefully corrected.

Saturday 22nd February, 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Today was to have been a gala day for the double purpose of celebrating the birth of Washington and our recent victories over the rebels. The former is entitled to all the honors which a grateful nation can bestow, but the rejoicing over the latter is premature. Celebrations should only be accorded to those events great or small in themselves which have an important agency in producing a desired consumation, and should therefore be reserved until the crowning act is performed. We can all feel the inspiration and confidence these victories should produce but our open manifestations of joy should be restrained until the possibility of defeat and disaster shall entirely disappear. We have now arrived at the critical point when a little treachery may overturn the whole fabric of our hopes founded on the brilliant events of the last few days. And I greatly fear that treachery is even now doing its accursed work. Else why should the immense army of the Potomac lie idle and permit the rebels to withdraw their forces and use them against our little armies in North Carolina and Tennessee? These armies are performing the most signal service and if backed by our army on the Potomac would soon end the war. This deliberate treachery, (as I believe it to be) is exciting public criticism and suspicion, and there seems to be a general inclination to demand a forward movement of the armies of the Potomac; but may not treachery be as successful in moving forward as in lying still? and may it not be even more fatal to the interests of the country? I confess I see no hope of safety but in the removal of McClellan from the chief command of the army, and the appointment of a true man in his place. Who this "true man" should be is a question of most difficult solution, but any truly loyal man would be preferable to this doubtful one. . . .

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Thursday, 27th February, 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Hearing Genl. Lane had again telegraphed to his friends here to make another effort to secure to him the command of the army supposed to be destined for Texas. These persistent efforts to secure a position never promised him and in violation of army regulations without any good reason has very much lessened the confidence and respect he had hitherto enjoyed both here and in Kansas. There seems to me a species of insanity in some of this man's eccentricities, He has treated me both discourteously and ungratefully But I have borne these things in silence but I feel that his protracted absence from his duties as Senator is a serious wrong to Kansas. . . . I shall now try to have his place on the Com. of Indian Affairs filled by the appointment of Genl. Pomeroy. . . .

Sunday 2nd March, 1862.

Snow fell to the depth of 2 or 3 inches, and I have remained in the house all day reading very little and talking less. In the evening however, I had quite an animated conversation with Mrs Thompson a boarder, and the sister-in-law of Genl. Waddy Thompson of South Carolina. She professes strong Union sentiments and has some employment from the Government, but defends the intolerence, virulence, and despotism of the South. The views she entertains or expresses in regard to the rights of northern men who become citizens of the South accord with the true spirit of slavery, every where and are clearly in conflict with the guaranties of the Constitution. She insists that no anti-slavery man has a right to express opinions unfriendly to the institution of slavery; that if any one entertains such opinions he must suppress them or leave the slave States. This is the evil spirit with which we are now at war and against which we are sending our immense armies.

Thursday 6th March 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Spent an hour with Genl. Pomeroy. He signed a recommendation for Moses B. Newman's appointment to an Indian Agency in Kansas expecting to get for him the Delaware Agency. Genl. Pomeroy also agreed to have the Pacific Railroad bill altered so as to make Quindaro a point. He agreed to introduce and have passed the bill

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Mr Wattles and myself have been preparing to establish a Territorial Government exclusively for Indians over the present Indian Country South of Kansas. . . .

Friday 7th March 1862

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In the proceedings of Congress as published in the Daily Globe is a short message from the President conveying a resolution which he recommends Congress in substance to pass. It is worth remembering that on the 10th of January of this year I handed to Senator Pomeroy a Resolution which I wished him to present to the Senate having in view the same object now recommended by the President and my resolution differs only from his in being more specific.

Saturday 8th March 1862

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Bo't two copies N. Y. Tribune containing my article on the subject of the organization of a new Indian Territory South of Kansas.

Sunday 9th March 1862

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Today I complete my forty eighth year and enter upon my forty ninth. . . . It seems strange that a man should live so long and accomplish so little. Yet my course has not been a barren one. Few men have performed acts out of which more important events have grown. The successful effort to establish a government for Nebraska (now Kansas) originated with me and under most discouraging circumstances, and out of this act sprung the republican party and the wonderful events that have followed in such quick succession. And though I get but little credit for this now, history must and will do me justice.

I start upon the new year with bright hopes and much confidence dashed only by the lowering clouds that overhang the political horizon. I have painful forebodings of disaster near at band. It is generally understood that our great armies of the Potomac march against the traitors tomorrow although a general battle may not take place for a day or two after. I have all confidence in the courage of our men, in their numbers and equipments, but I have no confidence in their principal officers, such as McClellan, McDowell nor indeed in any man from the military school at West Point. Far better would it be for this country had that institution never existed. It is the nucleus around

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which will gather the enemies of free government and it has and always will instil into the minds of its pupils sentiments favorable to the establishment of independent hereditary orders in the State. I regard this institution as more dangerous to the liberties of this country than African slavery itself, and henceforth I shall devote what time I can to its abolition.

To day I have prayed again and again most earnestly for the success of our armies in the coming battles. In God I trust and He alone can defeat the treachery which I fear is meditated against us. He alone knows the hearts of all men and can disappoint their wicked schemes. May He remember us in this our day of terrible trial!

Mrs Thompson sisterinlaw of Genl. Waddy Thompson of South Carolina told me to-day that a Secession female friend of hers told her yesterday that the "Confederates" (rebels) would be victorious in the great battles so soon to be fought; that all Richmond is full of confidence in the result. It seems this "Secession friend" gets letters regularly from her sister in Richmond Virginia communicating important information and no doubt receiving the same in return. How this correspondence is kept up is a mystery although this Secession friend said she received them through Fortress Monroe. Mrs Thompson professes to be a Unionist.

Called to see Genl. James H. Lane who has just returned with his family from Kansas.

Borrowed "Principles and Acts of the Revolution" by Hezekiah Niles from his grandson Samuel V. Niles. This book I have been long wanting to get and this is the first copy I have seen.

Monday 10 March, 1862.

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It is now stated upon apparently good authority that the rebels have abandoned and retreated from all their strong holds about Washington while for the last two or three days our hopes and fears have been excited to the highest pitch by mighty preparations for a great battle and while this very farce is being enacted the prompters in it must have well known there would be no enemy to fight.

Tuesday 11th March, 1862.

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It is now ascertained that the rebels have abandoned their reputed

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strong holds at Manassas. That they should thus have been permitted to escape will be a wonder to the world but it confirms what I have long believed that our army of the Potomac is controlled by traitors who have an understanding with the rebels. These men may have found it impracticable for many reasons to yield a victory to the rebels and rather than capture their force or meet them in battle, it was understood that that the cause of the Union could be more seriously damaged by the rebels withdrawing and striking a blow when superior numbers might give them a victory. The whole management of the war on the Potomac is without a parallel in all history for imbecility, treachery, cowardice and extravagance. Should the retreating rebels not attack Genl. Banks or Genl. Burnside, the probabilities I think are that the war is in a great degree ended, and the retreat was probably prompted by a consciousness of a sinking cause.

Saturday 15th March 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Called upon Genl. Lane to talk with him about Indian claims I had entrusted to his management, but he was very taciturn, only saying, he would now attend to my business. This is indeed all as a business man I could ask, but his whole manner was cold and destitute of cordiality. I felt indignant at this manifestation of indifference and perhaps should have expressed it; but Lane either is or affects to be deeply wounded by the explosion of his military projects he doubtless does feel the apparent and comparative neglect of the swarms of sycophants who clustered around him when he had offices to bestow and glory in prospect. I have more than once cautioned him against the selfishness and hypocracy of these flatterers and I trust his comparative solitude will now lead him to a juster estimate of his real friends.

Sunday 16th March 1862.

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Prepared the following amendment to be placed on the Indian appropriation bill, and handed it to Augustus Wattles with the request that he would get some member of the Senate's committee on Indian Affairs to have it put in that bill. I should have done it myself but I have so much business before that committee that I am afraid of appearing too troublesome. This law I urged as essential to the protection of those poor creatures it is designed to benefit; for I have seen them

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shamefully robbed among the Wyandots and among the Shawnees and I have no doubt it is done among all the tribes:

And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Interior be and he is hereby directed to cause settlements to be made with all persons appointed by Indian Councils to receive moneys due to incompetent or orphan Indians, and to require all moneys found to be due to said incompetent or orphan Indians to be returned to the Treasury of the United States, and moneys so returned shall bear six per cent interest until paid by order of said Secretary to those entitled to the same; and no moneys shall hereafter be paid to persons appointed by any Indian Council to receive moneys due to incompetent or orphan Indians, but the same shall remain in the Treasury of the United States until ordered to be paid by the said Secretary to those entitled to receive them, and shall bear six per cent interest until so paid.

Thursday 20th March, 1862

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Called upon Genl. Lane who told me he would have the papers in the Wyandot cases refered to himself for examination and report tomorrow. Genl. Lane may act faithfully in his attention to my business but I have serious fears. Personally he treats me badly I have not seen one of his old enemies approach him who has not been treated with more cordiality. I have certainly done him some service when he needed it and did not expect such an exhibition of ingratitude.

Monday 24th March, 1862.

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This evening I called to get Lane [to] assist me in getting the Wyandot papers into his hands so as to be able to report by Wednesday but he did not seem disposed to take any interest in the matter and treated me with marked neglect I shall not again go to his room. Both before his election and since he repeatedly assured me he would attend to any business I should have before Congress.

Wednesday 26th March, 1862.

In my room most of the day under the influence of medicine.

Mr Wattles spent an hour with me and informs me that there is a combination of men in power here to force the Indians in Kansas into treaties whereby their lands shall be secured to this association of Gov-

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ernment officials. Senator James H. Lane of Kansas Commissioner Win. P. Dole and Secretary Caleb B. Smith are said to be concerned in this cruel and gigantic system of fraud.

Mr Niles called to tell me that Genl. Lane assured him he would do all he could for Mrs Guthrie's claim and would see him this week again to look over the evidence. Mr N. insists that I must see Lane tomorrow and let him (Niles) know when Lane will see him. I dislike very much to call upon Lane his personal ill treatment of me has created a repugnance to visiting him which I shall feel it difficult to overcome.

Mr Blake & Rev. Mr Richmond called to see me. Mr Richmond is now Chaplain to one of the Wisconsin regiments, and a few years ago made some noise in the world by being imprisoned by the Austrian authorities in Hungary for, as he says, nothing more than some thoughtless expressions of sympathy for nations struggling for freedom. How long, at the present rate of travelling toward despotism, will it be till men shall be imprisoned in this country for like offenses? The imbecility of this administration is only equaled by its cruelty, its tyrany, and total disregard of law and every principle of justice. Are we really to have three years more of this execrable reign? This disgraceful rebellion might have been suppressed long ago and at half the expense already incurred, had it but suited the interests of those at the head of affairs to have done so.

Thursday 27th March, 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Called to tell Mr. Niles that Genl. Lane would be at leisure this evening to examine the papers in Mrs G's case.

Mr Niles after seeing Genl. Lane called to see me and I agreed to give him five hundred dollars if he would get my Wyandot claims through at the same time as Mrs Guthrie's, to which he agreed. I have done this because I am not well enough to bear Lane's stupid indifference without retaliating which would probably get up ill blood and possibly cause him to oppose me, for he is sometimes governed by the merest trifles, and never by reason and justice except as he is importuned into it.

Friday 28th March, 1862.

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Had a good deal of conversation with young Doolittle, clerk of the

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Senate's Com. on Indian Affairs from which I learn Genl. Lane has never given the least attention to my business notwithstanding all his promises. The cool ingratitude and heartless stolidity of this man astounds me! And yet I must not tell him what I think of his conduct!

Monday 31st March, 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Went with Judge Helfenstein to see Mr Campbell Chairman of the House Committee on the Pacific rail road. My object was to get Quinardo and Atchison named as points in the bill, but Mr C. says his Committee are unwilling to name any other point than the one now named Kansas City; this of course gives that town an immense advantage over all others and particularly in Kansas. Thus we see the revolting spectacle of men whom Kansas has made, for Kansas gave the Republican party to the world, enriching the enemies of the Government and the very men who resorted to every means fair and foul to drive the anti-slavery population of Kansas from their new homes, and I who made Kansas civilly and more remotely the Republican party am without influence among or benefit from the very men who owe all they are to the almost immediate results of my labors.

I read with feelings of the deepest grief and alarm an editorial in the Daily Globe of this city of this date advocating the establishment of a large standing army in this country. If this is to be the result of the subjugation of the rebels I have no hesitation in saying that it would have been better to yield their success without a struggle if that alternative would have exempted us from the curse of a standing army; but it would not. I only measure evils on the supposition that the acceptance of one would secure us against the other. I am satisfied the war was necessary to preserve the simplicity of our form of government; and if managed with but ordinary wisdom this would speedily have been attained. But with an imbecile head it is not strange that the same incompetency should pervade every branch of the public service.

April 1st Tuesday 1862

Mr Augustus Wattles came to see me and says some radical measure will be adopted in regard to the Indian tribes. At the extra Session of Congress in July last I prepared a bill setting apart the Indian country south of Kansas for the colonization and permanent home of

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all the Indian tribes East of the Rocky Mountains but Senator Lane of Kansas (of whom I expected better things) opposed the measure -- opposed any measure designed for their melioration; and would not present my bill except to oppose the policy. At this session Mr Wattles has also undertaken a similar project in behalf of the Indians, but we concluded it was better to wait until the next session of Congress. But it seems both friends and foes of the Indian are impatient to have something done for or with the Indiana. I have therefore undertaken to prepare another bill with which I shall take more pains and much subsequent reflection will enable me to make it more perfect.

Sunday 6th March [April] 1862

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

This evening I have written a letter to Horace Greeley about the dangers and troubles of the country. The hasty and inconsiderate legislation of Congress, the arbitrary acts of the Executive, the dilatory if not treacherous conduct of the military, the vast proportion of the Negro question all fill my mind with the saddest forebodings. And I believe our only means of avoiding total ruin is to unite while we may the councils of true men and elect to office men who will carry out a policy dictated by calm and earnest patriotism. We must reorganize party with a wide and more comprehensive basis of principles.

Wednesday, 9th April, 1862

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Have learned that Lane has totally neglected my business although he has several times assured me he would have it all done just as I wished. Why he should so persistently lie to me and deceive me I can not imagine for he is certainly under some obligations to me and even if he were not I am entitled to fair and open dealing. He is an enigma to me. I often think be is insane, or his extraordinary moral obliquity at least often produces effects so nearly like it that one is in doubt as to the true origin of his aberation of mind. Pomeroy on the contrary has greatly exceeded my expectations in ability, industry, fidelity and reliableness, and makes himself respected by friends and foes.

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Thursday 17th April, 1862

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Called at the Senate document room and got a copy of the bill introduced into the Senate yesterday by Genl. Pomeroy for the organization of the Territory of Lanniway. This bill I prepared myself with the view of securing a permanent home for the Indians. On reading it as printed, I find some errors which may have been in the manuscript; and some omissions I did not detect before. Having the whole thing before me now in a printed form I think I can make such corrections and alterations as will effect the object I have in view -- A suitable government for the Indians under which they may live in peace and security.

Thursday 24th April, 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

I found among the papers a private letter to Lane in reference to this and other business which could not but have prejudiced my interests. Lane may have put this letter in inadvertantly but a man who would thus by negligence do an act so injurious to one trusting in him is unworthy of confidence and official position of any kind. Lane is really one of the most unprincipled men I ever knew without a particle of honor, gratitude, or honesty. No wonder the country goes to ruin when such men rule it.

Friday 25th April, 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Called to see Genl. Lane twice to get him to recommend Col. Chas Sims to the President as a suitable person for the office of Superintendent of the new mint (to be) at Denver City. Lane signed it with apparent cheerfulness, saying he would do anything be could for Col. Sims. All this looked most encouraging, but when I called on Genl. Pomeroy he said both be and Lane had signed a recommendation for another person! and of course [could not] consistently sign this. He said besides Genl. Lane's brother in Indiana was a candidate for the same office and he thought Genl. Lane had a promise in favor of his brother. Now if these things are so how much more honest and satisfactory would it have been if Genl. Lane had frankly stated all the facts! What is there to be gained by such double dealing?

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Thursday, 8th May 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Called to see Genl. Pomeroy who informs me that Lane did not attend the meeting of the Indian Committee on Wednesday although he told me the night previous he would do so. Was ever man more destitute of gratitude and truthfulness? Lane's treachery and falsehood give me much trouble and anxiety. He occupies a place in which he obstructs my business; if he were away I should get along much better. His conduct is entirely inexplicable. Nothing but a heart as black as hell could impel a man to so much baseness as this man is guilty [of], meantime I am the victim. My whole soul is filled with anguish from the discouragements, ill treatment, and embarrassments that overwhelm [me]; and but for my poor family I had far rather be in my grave than thus submit to these oppressions, and humiliations. I cannot withdraw my mind from the wretched condition to which I am reduced.

Wednesday 21st May, 1862.

A day of disappointment and mortification. As the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs were to meet, I went to see Genl. Lane to urge him to attend the meeting as he has all my business under his management and professes to feel a deep interest in it. But he told me he could not attend. I then went to Mr Niles my Attorney and recommended by Lane and requested him to see Lane and urge upon him the necessity of his attendance. This he promised to do and at once wrote a letter to Lane upon the subject. This letter I sent into Lane by his son. Lane attended the meeting and the Committee agreed to report favorably on Mrs Guthrie's claim. I afterward visited the Committee room myself and Mr Doolittle, Jr, the clerk told me he was then making out the law the Committee proposed to pass. I then went into the Senate gallery and soon after saw Mr Doolittle Jr take some papers to Mr Harlan who after examining them took them to Lane who on looking over them hastily took his pen and erased several lines. I afterwards learned these were the law for the relief of Mrs Guthrie and that Lane had struck out all that was essential in the case. The law or joint resolution as it now remains is worth just nothing at all and I could months ago have had settled more to my satisfaction without any trouble. The Committee has twice

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agreed to this claim and why Lane should thus defeat it after pretending to be its principal champion is really a mystery. But the mystery might be solved if we could understand the business of Mr Legate, Abbott's (the Shawnee Agent) Agent here. Lane has evidently betrayed me and that treachery has been brought about by some underderstanding [sic] between Lane, Abbott, and Legate. I have no words to express my indignation at, and detestation of this baseness. Lane's treachery and ingratitude are the most gross it has been my misfortune to experience. But he shall yet pay the full penalty of his villainy.

This evening I called to see Genl. Lane and met Mr Niles there Lane pretends to have done all he could to secure a more favorable issue. The audacity of the scoundrel is most consumate.

Sunday 25th May, 1862.

Called to see Genl. Pomeroy to show him the law introduced by Senator Harlan for the relief of Mrs Guthrie and proposed to him to have it amended, he was willing to sustain it, but told me that my interviews with Senators Harlan and Wilkinson in reference to this claim had predjudiced them against the claim because in conversation I claimed that the republican party originated in my efforts for a government for Nebraska (now Kansas) As no intelligent truthful man can controvert this fact I presume the feeling excited against me was that it was presumption in me to claim a merit which they all think themselves to some extent entitled to. So it seems that it matters not what a man's merits are if not supported by successful ambition, they are to be ignored even by those who reap the beneficial fruits of them. After Nebraska (Kansas) was organized I determined to live a quiet simple life on my little farm and so far as I could, I have adhered to that resolution. And because I have not kept myself in the public eye, these great men think it preposterous that I should lay any claim to the important service I have performed! I will yet be the pen of these political ingrates and make them feel the injustice of their dastardly conduct.

Called to see Genl. Lane who told me the same as Genl. Pomeroy and Senator Doolittle has also conceived a prejudice against me. I do not happen to have the graces of a courtier and talk to these men as I would talk to other men; but they seem to expect a deference that I cannot conceive them entitled to. The jealousy of power always

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makes it anxious to forget all to whom it is indebted. I would certainly not have gone to see one of these Senators had Lane given any attention to my business. I have now been here five months and the business I have entrusted to Lane is no further advanced than when I came; indeed it is in a much worse condition, and it was not until I was forced by his neglect and repeated falsehoods that I called upon other Senators and for the first time on the tenth of this month and then only on those I heard were hostile to Mrs G's claim so that my interviews with them could not have produced their opposition but I am satisfied that Lane's negative support did. His treachery and ingratitude are most wanton and inexplicable. I shall find it impossible to forget it.

Friday 6th June, 1862.

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Made some corrections in the bill to organize the Territory of Lenniwa, for the benefit of the Indians. This bill I prepared myself but find much to correct in it. Senator Pomeroy introduced it into the Senate.

Saturday 7th June 1862.

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Wrote a letter to Senator J. R. Doolittle enclosing a slip from the New York Tribune of the 7th March of this year, containing an article written by myself in support of the organization of the Territory South of Kansas for the exclusive benefit of the Indians, and also a copy of the bill introduced into the Senate by Genl. Pomeroy for that purpose, with such amendments as I thought necessary to render the organization effective. This bill as originally prepared by me covered a large amount of manuscript and as it was prepared at different times, some confusion and omissions occurred which I have endeavored to arrange and correct. I have great confidence in the success of the plan if controlled by good men, but under any circumstances the Indians can be no worse off than they are now.

Thursday 12th June, 1862

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Sent a letter written, written three or four days ago, to Horace Greely with a copy of the Report of the House Committee on Elections on my claim for mileage and per diem as delegate from Nebraska.

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Mr Greeley or some one for him, in an article on Nebraska, Kansas, in the Tribune Almanac of 1866, stated that Thomas Johnson, was the first delegate from Kansas (Nebraska.) This does me the greatest injustice as Johnson was not heard of until after I had represented the Territory one session of Congress and had obtained the passage of the bill for the organization of the Territory through the House, but the session being a short one it failed in the Senate for want of time.

Friday 27th June, 1862.

    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

Today it is said Genl. Pope has been put in command of the armies under Genls. Banks, Fremont, McDowell, & Shields [-----] except McDowell whom I regard as a traitor or wholly destitute of military talents. I have no doubt these Generals are individually as competent as Pope, but as they are volunteers, and have never been through West Point, it is the design of the graduates of that institution, to deprive them of all means and opportunities of distinguishing themselves, and for this reason their forces have been kept so small that they have been able to do really nothing and besides have been crippled by the arbitary orders of their superiors; the result too of West Point jealousy. Such reflections and conclusions at least seem justified by the result; while the public are not permited to know what takes place behind the curtains. West Point through its graduates now rules the destinies of this country and are as rapidly revolutionizing the government as the rebels, and are more dangerous to the liberties of the country; for they are overthrowing its institutions under the guise and pretense of loyalty and therefore excite no suspicions of their infamous designs, while [the] country sees only the open efforts of the rebels.

Tuesday, July 1, 1862.

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To-day I got a Wyandot newspaper in which I find all my land advertised for sale to satisfy claims against the Quindaro Company. Of this debt I never received one cent and am now entirely ruined by the villainy of Charles Robinson who has grown rich by plundering me. The appraisement is so low too as if for the very purpose of making my ruin the more certain. I am a good deal indebted too,

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for this misfortune to my kindness to these creditors whom I favored as far as in my power allowing judgments to go by default when I could have made a defense and thus have kept back judgment a long time. I have no language that could even remotely express the anguish these things occasion me; were it not for the hope that my poor family will be saved from starvation by the success of Mrs Guthrie's Shawnee claim, I should sink into the grave from utter despair. God alone can sustain and guide me under such distressing circumstances. Has God no punishment for such villains? Why should they be allowed to rob the innocent and unwary? This infamous wretch never experienced any thing but kindness and boundless generosity from myself and my poor family until his true character was developed and even then I long bore in silence the crushing wrong in the vain hope that shame or contrition would bring him to some sense of justice. I have found the laws unequal to a remedy; he has had them so made as to suit himself and thus with his own perjuries and those of his confederates I am entirely powerless and utterly ruined without the hope of legal redress.

Friday July 4th 1862

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I have made up my mind to be an independent candidate for Congress in Kansas, and commenced writing an address to the people of the State some days ago, but have been too unwell to finish it; if I can get money enough to pay the expense of the contest I think I shall succeed - otherwise doubtful. It would appear strange that so humble and now so obscure an individual should succeed in so important an election. But I feel impelled to make the trial because there are many public measures I would like to bring forward in Congress; because I think more independent men are wanted in Congress; because I have done more for Kansas than any other citizen.

Tuesday 22nd July, 1862.

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Talked with Genl. Lane about getting some military appointment for Mr Cobb. He said Mrs Dole had spoken to him on the same subject; that he was authorized by the president to organize and equip an army of fifty thousand Negroes, and would start for Kansas for

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that purpose in a day or two and if Mr Cobb would call and see him he thought he could give him as good a place as he had wished. I have not much faith in the promises of Lane, but think with Mrs Dole's solicitation and his own interest Mr Cobb will be offered a place on Lane's staff. Although I look upon the whole scheme as chimerical and expensive, and frought with more danger than benefits. Wrote to S. A. Cobb.

Monday 28th July, 1862.

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Finished an address to the people of Kansas proposing to run as a candidate for Congress. I feel this office is due me for past services and if I had only the gift of gab I believe I should as an independent candidate be elected. Still I feel it a kind of duty, to offer and trust to the justice of the people.

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